The claim from the Tory government and its army of media
supporters that the latest Budget has ended austerity is completely false. It
is very important for the left and the labour movement as a whole that they
grasp the character of the new attacks to come, so that they can resist them.
In effect, this is a Tory government of a new type. Previously,
since austerity was first implemented in 2010, the Tory governments have
transferred incomes from workers and the poor to big business and the rich. This
is in the hope that both increased rates of exploitation and the transfers of
funds themselves will encourage business investment. But the encouragement to
private investment has been a dismal failure. Private investment growth is
officially forecast to be zero this year.
The new Tories want to provide further inducements to
private sector investment by increasing public sector investment. SEB
has argued vociferously for increased public investment over a prolonged
period. This not investment for its own sake, but to increase the productive
capacity of the economy (adding to the means of production) as the most
decisive factor in raising the output of the economy and therefore prosperity.
But these Tories intend the opposite. They want to increase
the rate of exploitation further, provide incentives to private business to
investment, and intend to do this by funding with investment with yet another
reduction of public services and (probably) public sector pay. They will further
shift the burden of the crisis onto the shoulders of workers and the poor.
Government current spending is being cut over
There is a one-off boost, to cope with the
effects of their own disastrous Brexit
The projected rise in government investment (if
it materialises) will still leave total government expenditure lower than in
This means that the rise in public investment is
more than being funded by further attacks on public services and public sector
There is a significant projected increase in net
government borrowing. This is despite a fall in debt interest payments, which
themselves are being used to boost spending in the short-term
This is not ‘deficit-financed growth’, as has
been claimed. It is the effect of weaker growth on public finances, pushing both
tax revenues lower and automatic outlays (such as welfare payments) higher
In fact, the current year for which the OBR
provides an estimate and the subsequent 5 years’ forecasts are the weakest on
record for such a prolonged period
Taken together, SEB can find no recorded
10-year period of real GDP growth where every year is below 2%. This is what
the actual recent growth years’ growth rates will amount to, combined with the
There is a sharp one-off rise in government
current spending next year. This is not to combat the effects of the
coronavirus crisis, which is current. Instead, it follows the withdrawal from
the EU at the end of this year. It clearly indicates the government expects a
very negative outcome from the Brexit it is planning
There is nothing substantial in the Budget to
address the climate crisis, and the need for large-scale investment in
renewable energy production, or conservation
Despite the mass of commentary suggesting that austerity is
over, it is very simple to demonstrate that is not the case. The chart below is
taken from the OBR databank and shows total for public spending (TME), current
(or day-to-day spending, PCE) and net public spending as a percentage of GDP.
Chart 1. UK Public Spending Totals, Current Spending and New
Public Investment, as a % of GDP
The chart lines show a downward trend of total government
spending. For the 6 years of OBR estimates and forecasts from 2019/20 to
2024/25 average TME (total government spending) is 40.5% of GDP. For the
preceding 6 years it was 40.8%. Total government spending will be lower and austerity
is not ending at all.
The big impact will be felt by public current spending. Over
the same 6-year periods, Public Sector Current Spending (which includes health,
education, welfare and so on) will fall to 35.5% of GDP, from 36.5% of GDP.
By contrast public sector net investment is projected to
rise from 2% of GDP last year to 3% by the end of the 6 years of the OBR’s
forecast period. But it should be clear, it is ordinary people who most rely on
public services who will be paying for this increase. Furthermore, as the OBR
itself points out, there is a persistent and large shortfall between the
projections for public sector investment and what actually takes place.
Planning investment is not the same as delivering it.
A significant one-off
boost to spending
The basis for all the hyperbole and false claims about the
Budget is because of a one-off increase in government spending next year. This
can be shown in one of the key tables from the Treasury’s Red
As the table shows general government spending receives a
very large boost in 2021, rising by 10.9%. This falls back in the following
year and austerity returns in 2023 and 2024. It is important to note that the
growth rate of this measure of government spending is even slower than in the
most recent years, 1.8% and 1.2% in 2023 and 2024, compared to 2.1% and 1.9% in
2019 and 2020.
This increase in government spending is not
coronavirus-related, which is a current crisis that the government will be
hoping is over before the end of this year. Instead, it is a response to the
Withdrawal Agreement from the EU which does end in December of this year. Clearly,
the government expects a large negative shock from the Brexit it intends to
carry out, and the increased spending is an attempt to offset its worst
The attempt is only partly successful, using their own data.
Real GDP growth is expected to rise to 1.8% in 2021. However, general
government expenditure accounts for about 40% of GDP, so a one-off increase of
nearly 11% should lead directly to a boost in GDP of well over 4%. But the
projected increase is just a fraction of that, with real GDP rising from just
1.1% in 2020 to a very modest 1.8% in 2021, when the spending is to take place.
Clearly, the implicit assumption is that without the one-off spending splurge,
growth would be sharply negative with the planned Tory Brexit.
Miserably low growth
The official projections for real GDP growth are a terrible
indictment of government economic failures. This includes but is not confined
to their own assessment of the further damage they will inflict with their
preferred Brexit outcome. As the Treasury’s Table 1.2 above shows, there is no
single year in which real GDP growth reaches 2% in the recent data and the
This is unprecedented. It would amount to at least a 9-year
period of real growth below 2%, a lost decade. There is no equivalent in the
modern era of such sluggish growth, in either the Great Depression or the Long
Depression at the end of the 19th century.
In fact, as Chart 2 below shows, the official outlook for
growth is even worse in coming years than the period immediately behind us, in
the years following the Great Recession in 2008.
Chart. 2 Real GDP Growth, 2010 to 2024 (Forecast)
This unprecedentedly weak growth has a series of
wide-ranging effects, depressing any rise in living standards or improvement in
public services. It also has the consequence of damaging public finances,
lowering the growth in government taxation revenues and automatically pushing
some government spending higher, for example in some welfare payments. This is
the cause of the large deficits in public finances that are forecast.
This is not ‘deficit-financed growth’ as has been claimed;
there is no growth and the economy slows. And, as already noted total
government spending will fall. These deficits are a reflection of economic
weakness, not ‘keynesian pump-priming’.
The multiple crises
There are a series of crises that the government is failing
to address: coronavirus, the weakness of the economy, the damage from its own
intention to crash out of the EU without a deal, the crisis in public services,
the unprecedented weakness in the economy and the existential threat of
catastrophic climate change. Measured against any of these challenges the
government’s response has been woeful.
On the coronavirus crisis, at every turn, it has unpicked
the measures praised by the World Health Organisation and enacted in China and
Viet Nam. Every excuse is made for inaction, that masks are not perfect,
testing is not 100% accurate, there is no point in heat-testing or even hand
gels at the airports, and so on. Instead, it has relied on measures to correct
some of the economic effects of coronavirus spreading. These steps, and many
more will need to be taken. But they are pointless unless and until government
is bearing down on the spread on the virus itself, which is clearly not the
This will put enormous strain on the economy and public
services, especially the NHS (but also care for the elderly and education,
among others). Public services are already buckling under impact of a decade of
austerity. The UK already has below-average ratio of nurses to the population,
7.9 per thousand compared to 9.0 for the OECD as a whole. The only comparably
high-income country with a lower nurse/population is Italy (OECD
It is clear that the increased spending in 2021 is not
coronavirus-related. Instead, it is a response to the effects of its own
determination to pursue a hugely damaging No Deal Brexit, presumably in order
to do a deal with Trump and adopt US business and labour market norms. The
government’s own forecasts show that a huge increase in spending to offset its
Brexit will produce barely a flicker of growth.
The planned increase in public investment is long overdue. But
it is very unlikely to produce either the transformation of ‘levelling-up’
across the country or the necessary corrective to abysmally low productivity
growth. For accuracy, the OBR forecasters do not expect either outcome.
One neglected factor, well established in classical
economics from Smith onwards, is that the effectiveness of all investment is
determined by the scope of the market. Any Brexit that takes this economy
outside the customs union will necessarily reduce the effectiveness of all
investment, because the market will also be severely contracted.
Finally, despite hosting COP26 in Glasgow later this year,
it is clear that the Budget contains no plan to address the climate crisis with
decisive action. Instead, this a government that has tried to press ahead with
plans such as the third runway at Heathrow and a road-building programme
regardless of the law. There was not even a pale imitation of Labour’s Green
New Deal, or anything similar. The Green New Deal is precisely the required,
targeted and ‘shovel-ready’ programme that could be implemented with
large-scale state investment – and is absolutely necessary. Instead, it seems
likely that The Tory recipe will be to search for new business-friendly
projects, such as more roads, and local and haphazard local projects.
When this fails to transform the economy, no doubt there
will be a new ideological offensive against public investment of all types. But
by then, US companies may be in control of large swathes of the public services
in this country.
There is no basis for the belief that the incoming Tory
government will end austerity. The reality is, from their own perspective and
from the interests they serve, the Tories will be obliged to deepen it.
It is extremely important that the labour movement, all
those who want decent living standards and public services and the left are not
suckered into believing that this Tory government will be any improvement on
its predecessors. Instead Johnson will pile up further misery, in addition to
the damage that has already been inflicted.
It is easy to list some obvious pointers to the government’s
direction on austerity.
Secondly, in the same programme there is planned legislation
for permanent underfunding of the health service (as well as the threatened
removal of performance targets on waiting times at A&E services). In
real terms, the NHS funding law will provide the lowest cumulative rise in real
spending since the inception of the NHS. Labour attempted to amend it so
that the real increase is 4% per annum (which, although still modest rises by
historical standards takes some account of both rising population and the
higher inflation of medical equipment and drugs, plus the costs of
technological innovation). The amendment was rejected.
Thirdly, on this government’s own assessment the economy
will be severely hit by the Trump/Johnson Brexit. GDP
will be 6.7% lower by 2034 than it would if the status quo was maintained
and real wages 6.4% lower. This is not George Osborne’s stupidly exaggerated
‘project fear’ of immediate and sharp recession. It is this pro-Brexit
government’s own assessment of the consequences of something like a ‘No Deal’
Brexit. Typically, these official estimates tend to underestimate the damage,
as SEB has previously shown.
Finally, the economy is contracting. GDP in November shrank
by 0.3%, and outright contraction for the whole of the 4th quarter
is possible. With just one month’s data remaining it is almost certain too that
industrial production will have fallen for the year as a whole 2019 compared to
2018. Business investment is not rising and was lower in the 3rd
quarter of 2019 than it was for the same quarter in 2016.
The Tories are clearly faced with a worsening economic
crisis and the global economy offers no grounds for optimism. The idea that
they will address this crisis in the interests of the working class and the
poor is plainly ridiculous. Instead, they have given strong indications they
are gearing up for a major fight.
Why is there an
austerity policy at all?
Austerity has not been adopted because Tory politicians are
nasty. A change (in this case policy) cannot be explained by a constant.
SEB has repeatedly
explained that austerity amounts to a transfer of incomes from workers and the
poor to big business and the rich. So, in the very first austerity budget, the
Treasury documents showed that the projected revenue increase from raising VAT
of £13 billion (which mainly hits workers and the poor) was almost exactly the
same as the revenue lost by cutting Corporation Tax. The deficit was unaffected
by these measures, but income had been transferred upwards, to business and the
Using correct, Marxist terms there were two main elements to
austerity. The rate of exploitation was increased by cuts in real pay and
pensions. In addition, the social surplus was redirected away from workers and
the poor (cuts to welfare payments, rise in VAT) towards capital and the very
rich (tax cuts).
The combined effect of these measures was to force workers
to work more for less and to incentivise businesses to invest more. But the
second part of this policy has failed. Real wages did fall, but businesses did
not increase their rate of investment.
Fig.1 below shows the quarterly real annual rate of growth
for business investment from the 1st quarter of 2000. Business
investment has been slowing since the beginning of 2014 and is now beginning to
Fig 1. UK Business Investment, quarterly real annual rate of
growth from the 1st quarter of 2000 to 3rd quarter of
In the last great crisis of British capitalism, Margaret
Thatcher was drafted in to do a very similar job to the one attempted by
Cameron and Osborne. Helped along by the huge windfall of North Sea oil
revenues, which were frittered away, she did produce a recovery in business
This was achieved by increasing the rate of exploitation. Cameron
and Osborne followed her example quite slavishly with spending cuts, real cuts
to public sector pay, cuts to welfare, cuts to taxes for the highest earners
and big business and privatisations. The cloak for these policies, the hue and
cry over the deficit, was different to their predecessor, inflation and
monetarism, but the project was broadly similar.
But the failure of the later Thatcherites can be shown
decisively in terms of business investment, the renewed expansion of capital
accumulation based on a series of defeats for the working class which allowed
her to increase the rate of exploitation.
Fig.2 below shows the change in investment, (GFCF, Gross
Fixed Capital Formation) from 1949 onwards. Data for UK business investment
alone only begins in the 1990s. But, as the UK is a capitalist economy the
majority of the investment throughout will have been made by the private
sector, and so provides an approximate guide to what the relative impact of
Thatcherism was in this area.
Fig 2. UK GFCF, % change year-on-year, 1949 to 2018
In the immediate post-World War II era there were relatively
high rates of investment, but it slowed markedly. This reached outright
contraction in the early 1970s. Thatcherism was the antidote to this, by
cutting real wages and business taxes. Although there was initially a slump,
Thatcher’s project was successful and investment recovered throughout the
1980s, until it was brought to a crashing halt by the excesses of the Lawson
boom, where the government refused to use the oil revenues for public
investment and cut personal taxes instead, fuelling an unsustainable boom in
As the chart shows, investment growth has only ever been
meagre since. Worse, the sharp contraction of the 2007 financial crash and the
2008-09 recession has only ever produced a meagre and short-lived investment
recovery. Investment is now slowing to a stop once more. Cameron and Osborne
completely failed to emulate Thatcher’s temporary ‘success’.
This will not happen. The splits in the British ruling class
over Brexit were set aside in their united opposition to Jeremy Corbyn
precisely because he intended to increase the role of the state in the economy.
This diminishes the ability of most parts of the private sector to maintain
their profits, or to expand them. It is anathema to them. The Tories will not
Instead, there are protections for workers that currently
apply in British law because of adopting EU law. Johnson has signalled
repeatedly that he does not want to continue with ‘alignment’ with EU laws and
rules. The Trump/Johnson Brexit will include a programme of rolling back workers’
The objective conditions are also set firmly against
Johnson’s economic policy being some version of Corbynomics-lite, as much of
the press seem to want to believe. The government’s own negative assessment of
economic prospects under Johnson’s Brexit policy will also mean a sharp
deterioration in government finances. Under those circumstances a sharp
increase in state investment is not impossible, but goes beyond the limit of
what the private sector is likely to voluntarily provide in the form of buying
increased government debt. Some form of compulsion, including nationalisations
and raising taxes on business would be required. The Tories will not do it.
From their perspective, the Tories cannot and will not
abandon austerity. Instead, it should be clear they are preparing for a further
attack, and that this time it will include major political struggles, over
union rights, the right to organise and to protest and other issues.
change is the most important political issue of our generation. There’s 99
percent scientific consensus that humans are causing global
warming and that, unless we stop putting greenhouse gases in the atmosphere,
life on earth will become increasingly unviable. If we continue at the current
trajectory in terms of greenhouse gas emissions, we’re facing over four degrees
Celsius of warming by the year 2100. David Wallace-Wells writes in his book The Uninhabitable Earth: A Story of the
Future that, “according to some estimates, that would mean that
whole regions of Africa and Australia and the United States, parts of South
America north of Patagonia, and Asia south of Siberia would be rendered
uninhabitable by direct heat, desertification, and flooding.”
the UN’s Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), humanity needs to
halve its greenhouse gas emissions by 2030 and hit net zero by 2050. If we fail
to hit those deadlines, hundreds of coastal cities (including New York,
Shanghai, Hong Kong, Mumbai and Lagos) will likely be permanently submerged;
the agricultural system faces collapse; wars will be fought over climate
change-induced scarcity of resources; and there will be hundreds
of millions of climate refugees. Floods, droughts,
hurricanes, typhoons and wild fires will become so commonplace as to barely be
newsworthy. The results of climate change are already all too visible: 18 of
the 19 warmest years on record have all occurred
since 2001, and we’re witnessing an unusually high rate of
extreme weather events.
environmentalists agree that the safe upper limit for global warming before the
planet reaches an irreversible tipping point is 1.5 degrees centigrade. Bearing
in mind that the average global temperature today is already
0.9 degrees higher than it was in 1880, we’re only left with
0.6 degrees before we hit the point of no return.
There is one
critical target to focus on for the next decade, as outlined in the IPCC
Special Report on 1.5 degrees, which is to reduce global carbon emissions to 50
percent of current levels.
manifesto sets out an even more ambitious target, aiming to “achieve the
substantial majority of our emissions reductions by 2030 in a way that is
evidence-based, just and that delivers an economy that serves the interests of
the many, not the few.” Labour has made a world-leading pledge to generate 90%
of electricity and 50% of heat from renewables and low carbon sources by 2030.
the target will be to get to net zero emissions by 2050. Note that ‘net zero
emissions’ doesn’t necessarily mean not emitting any carbon at all – but
whatever is emitted must be captured and stored.
this means that “flying, driving, heating our homes, using our appliances, basically
everything we do, would need to be zero carbon”, writes climate change expert Kevin
This goal is
achievable. We already have the technology to generate all our electricity via
renewable energy. Particularly in technologically advanced countries, it should
be perfectly possible to completely phase out fossil fuel-based power plants
within a few years; it simply requires investment in the surrounding
infrastructure, along with the political will to stand up to fossil fuel
We can also
massively cut down on waste and inefficiency. Energy efficiency – making our
economy less energy-intensive – is “widely considered to be the most important
single option for carbon reduction”, in the words of Neil Hirst, former
Director of the International Energy Agency (The Energy
Conundrum). David Wallace-Wells notes that around half of British
greenhouse gas emissions come from inefficiencies in construction, discarded
and unused food, electronics, and clothing. Retrofitting homes for heating
efficiency, for example, would make a significant contribution to reducing
emissions in relatively cold countries like Britain. According to Mike
Davis, “heating and cooling the urban built environment alone
is responsible for an estimated 35 to 45 percent of current carbon emissions.”
another key area for reducing – and ultimately eliminating – carbon dioxide
emissions. There’s tremendous potential for fully-electric public transport
systems, along with electric car pools, electric bicycles, and urban designs
that encourage cycling. Again, this requires major investment, along with
rigorously-enforced laws to stop the climate criminals. In the words of Gus
Speth, former Dean of the Yale School of Forestry and Environmental Studies, “a
reliably green company is one that is required to be green by law.” (Cited in
Naomi Klein’s This Changes Everything:
Capitalism vs. The Climate) Meanwhile, until we find a way to power
aeroplanes without burning fossil fuels (the technology isn’t far off), we’ll
need to reduce air travel significantly.
We also need
to change our diets. We don’t all have to become vegan, but meat consumption
will need to be reduced in wealthy countries. Mike Berners-Lee writes that “the
single most important change will be an amazingly simple dietary shift towards
less meat and dairy consumption, with a particular focus on reducing beef. This
will markedly reduce greenhouse gases, improve the nutritional output of our
land and, by relieving land pressure, ought to be pivotal in stemming
deforestation.” (There Is No
Planet B: A Handbook for the Make or Break Years)
it’s important to note that individual acts of good planetary citizenship are
not going to solve the problems we’re facing. As Wallace-Wells observes, “we
frequently choose to obsess over personal consumption, in part because it is
within our control and in part as a very contemporary form of virtue
signalling. But ultimately those choices are, in almost all cases, trivial
contributors, ones that blind us to the more important forces.” Without
concerted action at a national and international level, without large-scale
decarbonisation, we will not avoid catastrophic climate change. As such, the
problem is a political one.
of the rich countries
At a global
leads the way in tackling climate breakdown, in terms of
investing in renewables and electric vehicles, driving the costs of green
energy down via massive state-led investment, carrying out vast afforestation
projects, and rolling out fully-electric buses and trains. However, China is
still a developing country, with over 1.3 billion people, many millions of whom
are likely to increase their energy consumption in the near future, since they
are still at a stage of development where increased energy consumption
correlates directly with improved quality of life outcomes. China can’t save
the planet on its own, nor can it be expected to. In terms of “common
but differentiated responsibilities”, the
technologically-developed wealthy countries of the OECD have the greatest
responsibility when it comes to averting catastrophic climate change.
countries fuelled their own industrial revolutions with coal and oil, resources
which they came to dominate in no small measure through colonial conquest and
imperialist manoeuvring. The US and Europe – with around 15 percent of the
global population – have contributed to over half the cumulative carbon dioxide
emissions since 1850. And the horrific irony is that these countries are the
least affected by climate change. Catastrophic climate events will hit – are
hitting – the poorer regions of the planet first.
countries like Britain have a clear moral responsibility to take the lead in
addressing climate change. To this day, it’s the wealthy that are living
wasteful lives, contributing to the ever-worsening situation. According to Ann
Pettifor, “just 10 percent of the global population are responsible for around
50 percent of total emissions. Per capita carbon dioxide emissions in Africa
are less than 10 percent of those in Western Europe and North America. Tackling
the consumption and aviation habits of just 10 percent of the global population
should help drive down 50 percent of total emissions in a very short time.” (The Case for the Green New Deal)
it’s precisely the rich countries that have the resources to lead the way on
climate action. As has been pointed out before, “we
bailed out the banks, so now we can bail out the planet.” In
countries where large numbers of people don’t have access to modern energy, it
is understandable and correct that people want to provide that access with a
minimum of delay and cost. Sometimes that may even mean new coal capacity in
countries like Pakistan, where coal is by far the cheapest and most accessible
fuel (although the west should be offering the material support necessary to
allow such countries to meet their energy needs in a way that doesn’t damage
the environment). In OECD countries on the other hand, there is absolutely no excuse
for pursuing anything other than a rigorous and thoroughgoing energy
restructuring based on renewable sources.
How are we
doing so far?
Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change was adopted in 1992, committing
the 154 signatory nations to “preventing dangerous anthropogenic interference
with Earth’s climate system”. The sad fact is that, in the intervening 27
years, “the sum of all the world’s climate action has so far made little or
perhaps even zero detectable impact on rising global emissions.” (Mike
nowhere near on track to meet the targets discussed above, for the simple
reason that we’ve left it to the capitalist market to provide solutions to the
planet’s problems. The domination of neoliberal economics over the last few
decades has reduced governments’ ability to set economic policy in the national
interest. Fiscal revenue isn’t sufficient to finance large-scale green
development, and shareholder-driven capitalism is incapable of long-term
strategic planning on the level that’s needed. Meanwhile, the big fossil fuel
companies have an extraordinary level of entrenched power that they’ve used
systematically to slow down the energy transition.
even any meaningful agreement among the western ruling classes as to how to
respond to climate change. Although there is a relatively more forward-thinking
section that understands that they too would be affected by climate breakdown
(in much the same way that sections of the English bourgeoisie became
interested in public health when they realised that they too could fall victim
to cholera), there are also the neoliberal extremists who are happy enough with
the idea of moving to Finland or New Zealand and setting themselves up in gated
neoliberal capitalism has shown itself to be utterly incapable of averting
environmental catastrophe. Even in Britain, where there has been some focus on
wind power, this has been far too slow. Today, wind contributes 17 percent of
electricity generation in Britain (well behind gas, at 40 percent). The
economist Mariana Mazzucato, arguing for concerted state-led investment in
green development, complains that the strategies thus far employed in the US
and Britain “lack a clear direction and fail to offer long-term incentives,
resulting in a start–stop approach to green initiatives that produces dubious
outcomes at best.” (The
New Deal (GND), conceived a decade ago by British economists and
environmentalists but recently popularised by progressive US congresswoman
Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, provides the first viable, comprehensive and
actionable plan for developed countries to decarbonise their economies whilst
creating jobs, tackling inequality and promoting equality and social justice.
Measures include investment in renewable energy and zero-carbon public
transport; upgrading buildings for energy efficiency; building ‘smart’
distributed power grids to provide affordable clean electricity to all;
reorganising the food system; ending subsidies to the fossil fuel industry; and
prioritising basic needs.
The key to
implementing a programme such as the Green New Deal (or as it’s often referred
to by Labour politicians, the Green Industrial Revolution) is public investment
on a grand scale. As Berners-Lee points out when discussing the future of
renewable energy, “the solutions we need to the problem of intermittency and
storage are all coming along nicely; the critical factor is investment.”
precisely what has been agreed by Labour’s recent conference, and what is being
on the table by shadow chancellor John McDonnell: a programme
of government investment “mobilising £250 billion of capital spending on the
projects needed to decarbonise Britain to avert irreversible climate change.”
a National Investment Bank and network of regional development banks, the
programme will seek to ensure that “the transition to sustainability is one
that benefits everyone across our society.”
with the infrastructure for widely deploying clean energy, along with a plan
for retrofitting homes to be energy-efficient, the Green New Deal would create
hundreds of thousands of skilled jobs. The
plan includes nationalising the major UK-based energy
companies, replacing all gas boilers, closing fossil fuel-based power stations,
investing in and subsidising electric cars, vastly expanding off-shore wind
capacity, and decarbonising the public transport system.
wins the General Election on 12 December and a Jeremy Corbyn-led government can
implement its version of the Green New Deal, it will be a huge boost for the
global battle to save the planet. Britain will blaze a trail for the rest of
the OECD to follow, towards a global Green New Deal that is, in Ann Pettifor’s
words, “a global banner behind which millions can assemble with one voice in
order to address the gravest crisis humanity has ever faced.”
If, on the
other hand, Labour loses the General Election and Britain has to endure another
five years of hard-right Tory government, the result for the fight against
climate breakdown would likely be disastrous. Boris Johnson’s ‘hard Brexit’
vision involves leaving the EU customs union and negotiating a free trade deal
with the US. That will mean a wide-ranging political alignment that could well see
Britain leaving the Paris Climate Agreement. With both Britain and the US
outside the Paris Agreement, the prospects for international cooperation to
combat climate change would look increasingly grim.
needs a left Labour government in Britain.
This is a slightly amended version of an article which originally
appeared in the Morning
The election plans laid out by the two major parties mean
that it is crystal clear only Labour has policies to address the current crises
(the LibDems can be disregarded in policy terms, as they only have one policy,
which they claim is ‘stop Brexit’ but which is actually ‘stop Corbyn’). There are combined crises of the climate
catastrophe as well as the stagnation of the economy and living standards.
The depth of the British economic crisis is not at all
widely understood. It should be as only
a proper appreciation of the scale of the problem can lead to the appropriate
measures to tackle it, the policies that are necessary and the political
choices that follow.
The scale of the economic crisis is illustrated in the chart
below. Fig.1 shows the growth rate for the capital stock, the total value of
machinery, factories, software, computers and so on used in the production of
goods and services across the economy.
Also shown are the growth rate in the consumption of capital, all the
machinery used up in the production process, the equipment the becomes obsolete
and the factories that become dilapidated. From this, the growth rate of the net
capital stock can be derived, which is the growth rate of the capital once the
capital consumption has been taken into account.
Fig.1 Growth in UK Net Capital Stock, 1998 to 2017
From 1998 to 2017 the annual growth rate in the net capital stock has fallen from 2.7% to just 1.1%. This exceptionally low level is a return to the earliest periods of capitalist development in Britain. In the 1760s as George III became the monarch, the growth rate in the net capital stock was about 1% annually. The only period which was significantly slower was in the exceptional period 1933-34, which saw an outright fall in the net capital stock, as part of the Great Depression.
This all matters because the net capital stock is
effectively a measure of the fixed means of production for the whole economy.
It is extremely difficult for the economy or living standards to grow
sustainably beyond the growth rate of the net capital stock. The other main route is to increase the hours
of labour, either by getting more people to work or getting the existing
workforce to work longer hours. But
without a rising level of the capital stock, the productivity of labour cannot
At the same time, an increase in one specific area of the
net capital stock is needed to tackle the climate crises. This is the required
level of investment in the production of renewable energy as fossil fuels are
eliminated. In addition, investment is
also needed in energy conservation and in the reduction of energy consumption.
The Labour party policy precisely addresses this key
component of the crisis by sharply increasing the level of public sector
investment. Labour plans to invest £250
billion over ten years in a Green Transformation Fund to achieve all these
Labour will also add a further £150 billion in a social
transformation over 5 years to invest in infrastructure, transport, housing and
capital investment in public goods such as health and education. The dilapidation of the schools and hospital
will be tackled.
The contrast with the Tory plans is not mainly the inadequately
small pledge of £20 billion per annum, or even the sharp U-turn in Tory government
ideology about borrowing to invest (no more ‘magic money tree’ nonsense).
The main issue is
that the Tory plans are completely fake. They are undeliverable under either
Boris Johnson’s deal or No Deal, which is still an option and which is the
clear preference of Trump. Under the government’s
own forecasts, the British economy will be 9.3% lower than it would
otherwise be in 15 years’ time with No Deal. Even if this forecast is accurate
(and mainstream economics tends to underestimate the negative impact on
investment), then the damage to government finances is likely to be very large.
To illustrate this point, the British economy did not
recover to its pre-recession peak until the 1st quarter of 2013,
fully 5 years later. This implies that the economy would have been about 12%
larger if the recession had not occurred. Over that time and in later years,
public sector debt trebled from under 30% of GDP to over 80%, including fierce
This gives some indication of the likely damage to
government finances following a major negative development, either Johnson’s
deal (which is just No Deal for just Britain) or No Deal for the UK. There will
be no money at all for additional Tory public sector investment.
In fact, the long-standing ideology of the Tory party in
favour of small state economics combined with the absence of any resources
under their Brexit plans means that the entire government ‘programme’ of
investment is a complete fraud.
The Cabinet ideologues, almost all of whom have voted for
and written in favour of privatisation and outsourcing, have no intention of
allowing a sustained increase in public investment. And Trump has no intention
of allowing it either. His imposed deal will be the opposite, privatisation and
outsourcing with US corporations at the head of the queue.
By contrast, Labour gets it.
The scale of the ambition is in line with the objective environmental
and economic crises within the constraints of the current level of public
ownership of the economy. Looking ahead,
one of the key benefits of a large-scale nationalisation programme is that the
state would be able to have an even greater impact on the total level of
investment in the economy. These are the
real economic and environmental choices at stake in the election.
Bolivians vote in a general election on October 20th. Evo Morales has been the President since
2006, winning three successive terms as President.
A victory for him would continue the development of the
economy and the rise in living standards since he took office. It would be a considerable boost to the left
across Latin America, which otherwise faces the impositions of Bolsonaro, Macri
and Moreno, backed by the US and in some cases the IMF. Socialists internationally have every reason
to support a Morales victory.
The success of the project begun by Morales and the MAS
(Movement for Socialism) can be shown in 2 charts. The first below shows the level of Bolivian real
per capita GDP since 1976. In the 30 years before Morales came to power, real
GDP per person effectively stagnated. In
1976 it was US$1,687 and was only $1,692 in 2006, barely altered. Since then it has risen to US$2,506,
according to World Bank data. This
represents a rise in average living standards of 48%.
Fig. 1 Bolivia Real GDP
However, it is possible that average living standards rise
but that the bulk of this increase is claimed by the rich and the upper
classes. But this is not the case in
Bolivia. Chart 2 below shows the
proportion of the population below the poverty headcount rate of US$5.50 per
day, adjusted for inflation and PPPs (purchasing power parities).
Fig.2 Bolivia, % of Population on Incomes Below US$5.50
Once again, this measure of poverty shows there was little
progress before Morales. In 1997 52.6%
of the population were subsisting on incomes equivalent to below US$5.50 a day
in real terms. By 2006 that rate had edged down to 48.1%. But the fall since then has been dramatic,
with the poverty rate at 24.7% in 2017 (the latest available data). As the
population of the country is now over 11 million, this means that literally
millions of people, about one-quarter of the population, have been lifted out
The success of
There are a number of factors which have contributed to
Morales’ success. Initially, like many
countries in Latin America and beyond, Bolivia benefited from the rise in
global commodities’ prices, which were spurred on in particular by the rapid
pace of China’s industrialisation. There
was too a major shift in the population from the countryside to the towns and
cities, which rapidly expanded the workforce available for more advanced
production, including manufacturing.
But these factors were common to many countries, especially
in Latin America, but unlike Morales they failed to maintain their gains, or
even to hold onto office. That
commodities’ price boom has since faded as the Chinese economic model has
adjusted, and the pace of the migration into the urban centres has slowed in
many countries. The world economy is also slowing, so none of the previously
favourable conditions is likely to return in the foreseeable future.
To explain Morales’ success, one key area where the Bolivian
economic project stands apart, certainly in Latin America, is that the gains of
rising prices and output were not simply used to boost consumption, but also to
increase investment. Chart 3 below shows
the proportion of GDP directed towards investment, or GFCF (Gross Fixed Capital
Fig. 3 Bolivia, GFCF as % of GDP
In 2006 GFCF as a proportion of GDP had fallen to a 14.3%
and had been even lower in the preceding period. It has since risen to 21.4% in 2015,
although it has softened a little in following years. The urban population is now 70% of the total,
so there is diminishing scope to increase the workforce available for more
advanced manufacturing or industrial production. Further gains will require the return to
previous high levels of investment, and even their extension.
The stakes are very high.
The insurrection in Ecuador against enormous price hikes, imposed by the
Moreno government acting on the instructions of the US and IMF, shows what the
likely alternative to Morales will be.
This includes both huge attacks on living standards, and severe state
repression to carry it out.
Morales’ political background is as organiser and then
general secretary of the peasant farmers, which experienced fierce repression
from the large landowners and the state forces, and forced the farmers into
guerrilla warfare, Morales included.
This is a political formation which creates an understanding of the role
of the state, which classes it defends and the brutality of it attacks, all
supported by the Unites States. It also
teaches the need for collective discussion, unity of action and strong
discipline among the resistance fighters.
It is clear too that, through this experience and his own ethnic
identity, Morales enacts a highly advanced policy towards the indigenous
Despite or because of all this, here in the West there is a
campaign of slander against Morales, led by the ‘liberal’ press. So, the Guardian repeatedly runs entirely
distorted arguments and outright lies, including describing Morales as ‘the
murderer of Nature’ in the Amazon.’ The
reality is that it is the far right poster boy Bolsonaro in Brazil, an ally of
Trump’s who is destroying the Amazon, and Morales is using every mechanism to combat it.
The stakes are also high for the planet as a whole. The Bolivian elections will not decide that
fate, but they are an important battle in the struggle.
Despite the claims of the Tory party and other supporters of
a No Deal Brexit that a new golden age of trade awaits with the US, the Trump
administration has just imposed new trade tariffs on British producers.
This is important for two reasons. It reveals the falsehoods
underlying the entire No Deal project. It also sheds light on the global
perspective of Trump, and how he aims to address the US economic crisis at the
expense of the rest of the world.
The US Treasury has issued a series of new 25% tariffs on UK
producers and others in the EU (pdf). This list is 8 pages long and includes a wide
range of goods, from aircraft, to whiskies, to woollens to pipe cutters and
many more goods besides. The tariffs are
due to come into effect on October 18.
The tariffs are allowed under the WTO rules (which are
themselves skewed towards the US) because it has found that the EU’s Airbus
production receives state subsidies.
However, experts suggest that a similar finding will be made against
Airbus’s big rival Boeing in a matter of weeks.
Both entities receive state support. In fact, it is
inconceivable that any private corporation would undertake the vast investment
required for large-scale aircraft production without state financing and
subsidies. Inadvertently, the free
market ideologues of both the US and the EU make the case for socialised
investment. In the case of the aircraft
makers, the investment would simply not take place without state intervention.
Airbus is also partly owned by European governments.
Boeing and Airbus are the two main global rivals for the
demand of airlines’ new carriers. They are at each other’s throats for decades,
and the cases against each other at the WTO have rumbled on almost as
long. This has taken a new twist with
Trump’s aggressive imposition of tariffs on a number of countries (including
‘allies’ in Europe,
as well as Canada
and Mexico). There is too the issue of the disastrous roll-out
of the Boeing Max 737, which has led to crashes, huge numbers of fatalities,
lawsuits and a threat to the company.
The imposition of the tariffs has received very little
coverage in the mainly Brexit-supporting press. Tariffs on existing production
destroy jobs and raise prices. If they are sustained these sanctions will raise
prices for US consumers (and EU tariffs will do the same in the EU) and destroy
jobs in the sectors concerned.
The sanctions have a strategic aim and reveal Trump’s
approach to the problems of the US economy.
economy is slowing – and the Presidential election is now little more than
12 months away. GDP growth in the 3rd quarter slipped to 2.1%, from
3.1% in the 2nd quarter. But the US is also experiencing a long-term
slowdown. As John Ross has shown
elsewhere, the medium-term trend in the US economy, removing the effect of
business cycles, is towards slower growth.
Therefore Trump has two problems. The immediate issue is to
raise the growth rate to a level that gives him a better chance of re-election.
recent poll shows his approval rating at -16, which is normally far too low
for an incumbent to be re-elected. But he also has a strategic task in his role
as the representative of the general interests of US big business as a
whole. This is to ensure that the US
growth rate can recover over the medium-term, or at the very least that other
countries do not continue to gain ground on the US.
China is clearly the main target of Trump’s trade policy but
is certainly not the only target. Taken together, and making no judgement on
its likely success, from Trump’s perspective this amounts to an entirely new
trade policy for the US in the post-World War II era. Historically the superior
productivity of US industry and agriculture meant that it was an advocate for
free trade. While there were general benefits, the US would always be the
Trump has turned that outlook on its head. The US slowdown
will be addressed by a re-ordering of the global trade system in US interests.
Specifically, other countries will be subordinated to the US, providing it with
unfair advantages and crimping the growth of non-US industries where they are
in direct competition with major US companies.
In this light, the attack on Huawei (which
leads on 5G telecoms technology) should be seen as driven by the same
policy as the attack on the makers of Airbus (Boeing’s sole global rival).
Airbus had sales of €31 billion the first half of 2019. It
employs 136,000 people worldwide, 14,000 of them in the UK, where production of
the high value-added wings and part of the engines takes place.
Because of the integration of production across Europe, Airbus
has already publicly stated that any Brexit outcome which includes leaving
either the Single Market or a customs union would pose the company with
enormous challenges, which could require relocation in the EU.
The Trump/Johnson No Deal project does mean leaving both the
Single Market and the customs union.
This is also true of the latest Johnson proposal, which means that
Britain would leave both. The major
Airbus plant is based in North Wales.
There is clearly an advantage to the US from severely
disrupting the production of Boeing’s only global rival. But it should be
equally clear that there is no advantage to producers in the UK to accepting
such a deal. Unions
and business groups here have been right to highlight this.
This country will have to operate under WTO rules if it
crashes out without a deal. Under those rules, the trade tariffs are allowed
once an unfavourable ruling is made. In fact, there are few other mechanisms
available under WTO. But, until recent
years, the US was the by far the largest economy in the world. So, any system allowing
bilateral trade tariffs massively favoured the US. That will still be the case between the UK
and the US, with Trump holding all the cards in any negotiations or in any
subsequent trade dispute.
At the same time, it is futile to protest that Trump should
have targeted other countries instead, if he wants to get a US-UK trade deal. This is the approach of some business groups
in this dispute.
Trump’s aim is firstly to attack Airbus so that it does not gain an insurmountable advantage over Boeing. But he also rejects any soft-pedalling in his aggressive trade policy, even for ‘allies’. Outside of the EU’s Single Market and customs union, Britain will have to accept whatever Trump offers. And what he offers, or at least intends, is a complete restructuring of the global trade system in US interests.
Socialism’s aim is to improve the well-being of humanity. And
nothing in history has remotely improved the condition of such a large part of
humanity in such a small period of time as the development of the People’s
Republic of China since 1949 – the 70th anniversary of the founding
of which occurs on 1 October 2019.
China’s was one of the two greatest socialist revolutions of
the 20th century – the other was the October 1917 Russian
revolution. The international impact of the Russian revolution, overthrowing
the weakest link in the imperialist system, among its other enormous
achievements, played a decisive role in smashing to pieces the colonial empires
which had oppressed the great majority of humanity for centuries. China’s was
the greatest revolution within the developing countries, those oppressed by
imperialism, within which the great majority of humanity still live.
In 1949 China, oppressed by a century of foreign invasion in
which around 100 million Chinese people were killed, was almost the world’s poorest
country – the details are in the article below. Angus Maddison, former head of
statistics of the OECD, and the world’s most renowned analyst of long term
growth, calculates that at the time of the creation of the People’s Republic of
China (PRC) its per capita GDP was not only lower than 130 years previously but
far lower than Western Europe or England in 1500 – that is lower than in the late
European Middle Ages and far lower than at the time of Shakespeare. Reflecting
this fact average life expectancy in China was only 35. But by 2019 China’s
people, almost 1.4 billion or nearly a fifth of humanity, had been lifted from
poverty to a living standard to the verge of becoming a high-income economy by
international standards. Nothing approaching such a rapid improvement of the
life of such a large proportion of humanity has ever taken place anywhere else
in human history. That is the measure of the literally incredible achievement
of the PRC since 1949.
The article below examines that improvement in the life of
China’s people via the most direct of all measures – life expectancy, which is
well known to be the most sensitive measure of overall social well-being. The
figures are staggering. Leaving aside China itself, China’s life expectancy has
increased by more than that of 99.2% of humanity! This is in addition to China
being responsible for lifting over 850 million people out of internationally
defined poverty – three quarters of the reduction of world poverty. China has
lifted out of poverty far more people than the entire population of the
European Union or the entire continent of Latin America.
Capitalism naturally lies regarding China
To anyone who can think seriously about the well-being of
humanity what is reflected in these ‘dry statistics’ about China is such a gigantic
improvement in the lives of people that for anyone understanding it they must
almost be moved to tears. Therefore, naturally capitalism does everything it
can to make sure such realities are known to as few people as possible in the
world. Nothing else is to be expected from capitalism, because if such
realities were widely known it would be a gigantic blow to the standing and
hegemony of capitalism. As China becomes still more successful, and the life of
the 1.4 billion Chinese people improves further, all that will happen from
capitalists and the media they control is that the amount of distortion and
lying will increase – because it is vital for capitalism to prevent the rest of
the world knowing how much the life of the Chinese people has improved in the
70 years since China’s socialist revolution. Because if that truth is known
more people, particularly at present in developing countries, would want to
follow that route.
Any serious progressive individual or media, let alone
socialists, would, of course, hail the gigantic step forward for humanity which
has taken place in China – while doubtless making whatever were their liberal qualifications
or critiques of it. But capitalism and liberals long ago ceased to be
progressive. If you read newspapers such as the Guardian or the New York Times around
the 70th anniversary of the PRC you will see not analysis of what a
huge step forward for humanity this is but suppression of the real facts
regarding China’s development – liberals long ago ceased not only to be
progressive but to pay any attention to the truth.
In addition to the overall lies against China there are of
course specific ones which any examination of the facts disproves. One is
related to the gigantic support for Mao Zedong in China. Supposedly this is
inexplicable given that it is claimed by capitalism Mao Zedong was a vile
oppressor. In reality in China during
the period of Mao Zedong, despite the huge mistakes of the Great Leap Forward
and Cultural Revolution, China experienced the most rapid improvement in social
conditions, reflected in increase in life expectancy, in human history – a
reflection of China’s emphasis on health care and education. As the article
notes: ‘In the 27 years between the establishment of the People’s Republic of
China in 1949, and the death of Mao Zedong in 1976, life expectancy in China
increased by 31 years – or over a year per chronological year…. Far from being
negative, China’s record in this period was one of history’s most extraordinary
‘Instead of engaging in factual falsification and myth
making, foreigners can more accurately understand the support for Mao Zedong in
China, even leaving aside other issues, such as the achievement of real
national independence, merely by the lived experience of this fact. If someone
leads you to live an extra 31 years it is unsurprising you hold them in esteem!
The fact that capitalism systematically lies about China of
course makes it incapable of understanding the real dynamic in that country.
Confusion in parts of the left
But if rejection of reality is to be expected from
capitalism and its apologists what is ridiculous is that sections of the left
refuse to face such a gigantic reality as China’s social achievements – these
‘left’ criticisms in fact only repeat capitalist propaganda. At the most absurd
they spread capitalist lies such as that Chinese workers life in ‘slave like’
conditions – something which is refuted in 1 second by looking at the figures
on China’s life expectancy dealt with in this article. The idea that a
‘sweatshop’ produces a more than 40 year increase in life expectancy, more than
every major country in the world, is an absurd joke, or more precisely ‘leftist’
repetition of capitalist propaganda.
Illustrating even more lack of seriousness about socialist
and Marxist theory is left repetition of the claim that China is capitalist. This
is refuted by any Marxist analysis of China’s economic structure – see ‘Why China is a socialist country – China’s theory is
in line with Marx (but not Stalin)’. For those who claim China is
capitalist it is then necessary to explain why these gigantic and measurable steps
forward for humanity took place in a country which declares itself socialist
and no such step forward was taken in countries which declare themselves
capitalist. But it is also necessary to understand the profound consequences.
If ‘capitalism’ is capable of lifting more than 850 million people out of poverty
then capitalism is not reactionary but is a profoundly progressive system. This
foolish so called ‘left’ criticism of China therefore turns out to be…. a
justification for the progressive role of capitalism!
But the practical consequences of confusion on the left on
this issue are extremely serious. China has an economic system which
demonstrably delivers in practice, not merely in theory, enormous improvements
in the living conditions for the overwhelming majority of the population and in
particular the poorest sections of society. It is based on the socialisation of
the dominant sectors of China’s economy – that is the ability of the state to
control the level of investment in China. As it was stated at the 3rd Plenum of
the Central Committee of the 18th Congress of the CPC, the latest comprehensive
statement of China’s economic policy: ‘We must unswervingly consolidate and develop
the public economy, persist in the dominant position of public ownership, give
full play to the leading role of the state-owned sector.’ Any study of how
China’s economy is regulated confirms that decisive role of the state sector.
The left should be using this model to explain that it is
the most effective method to raise living standards and eliminate poverty. In
Latin America, for example, where the left was unable to deal with the
consequences of the downturn in commodity prices after 2014, this is decisive.
As Brazilian socialist Elias Jabour put it recently: ‘The rise of
China means that Brazil and Latin America has a real alternative to
neo-liberalism. It provides the possibility for greater economic integration
outside the orbit of imperialism. It is impossible to imagine the existence of
progressive governments in Latin America without the existence of socialist
China.’ This applies both to the support that economic interaction with China
can give to Latin American, and other developing, countries and to how the
Chinese economic model provides a proven practical alternative to
neo-liberalism within Latin American countries.
The left in China
But also, internationally, it is necessary to understand
that the biggest left in the entire world is in China. The best way to
understand that is to read Weibo, the Chinese equivalent of Twitter, or to
follow websites such as Guancha.cn – something it is entirely
possible for anyone who does not read Chinese to do with modern translation
software. And for those who do not trust anything produced in China, or find it
too tiring to use translation software, they can get a distorted but not wholly
inaccurate vision by reading Jude Blanchette’s China’s New Red Guards. No where else but
China do you find obviously left-wing leaders who have 3 million, 5 million, 6
million followers on social media. And these huge left-wing forces are
unequivocal in their support of the overall path, naturally not every specific
policy, of the CPC. They are ‘Maoist’ in their overall world outlook. The
Fidelista left in Latin America is undoubtedly the other mass socialist/Marxist
current in the world, but even that is much smaller than the left in China.
Understanding the actual reality of China, and the impact
this has on its population, will immediately lead to realities the ‘Western
left’, in particular the left in Europe and North America, finds very hard to
immediately understand. But they are based on the social realities analysed
below. For example, this is the evaluation of Fidel Castro, the greatest
Marxist/socialist leader ever to have lived in the Western hemisphere, of
China: ‘If you want to talk about socialism, let us not forget what socialism
achieved in China. At one time it was the land of hunger, poverty, disasters.
Today there is none of that. Today China can feed, dress, educate, and care for
the health of 1.2 billion people.
‘I think China is a socialist country, and Vietnam is a
socialist nation as well. And they insist that they have introduced all the
necessary reforms in order to motivate national development and to continue
seeking the objectives of socialism.
‘There are no fully pure regimes or systems. In Cuba, for
instance, we have many forms of private property. We have hundreds of thousands
of farm owners. In some cases they own up to 110 acres. In Europe they would be
considered large landholders. Practically all Cubans own their own home and,
what is more, we welcome foreign investment.
‘But that does not mean that Cuba has stopped being
Of China’s current president Xi Jinping this was the evaluation of Fidel
Castro: ‘‘Xi Jinping is one of the strongest and most capable revolutionary
leaders I have met in my life’. The left in China clearly supports Xi Jinping –
naturally not without abandoning their specific views but clearly as regards
the overall course of China. For exactly the same reason the capitalist press
in the West is particularly full of bile and hatred against Xi Jinping –
innumerable articles spewing out attacks on him as the 70th
anniversary of the creation of the PRC approached.
It is not necessary for the Western left to become involved
in detailed assessment of China’s leadership – although for China this is
extremely important. What the international left does have to understand is
that the greatest rapid improvement in the condition of the greatest proportion
of the world’s population in human history has taken place in the 70 years of
The role of the socialist left
For the mass of the population who live in Europe or North America it is difficult for them to imagine what it meant to make a socialist revolution, and to commence constructing a new society, from an economic starting point lower than their own countries in the Middle Ages and in only 70 years to achieve a standard of living and a life expectancy that is on the verge of high incomes economies. Only China’s continued development will convince the mass of hundreds of millions of people. That is why there is a much wider and more understanding of China’s stupendous achievements in Africa, developing Asia, and Latin America than there is in Europe or North America. But what there is no excuse for is that parts of the so called ‘intelligentsia’, who are supposed to understand the course of human history, do not grasp such facts.
The following article, written for China for the 70th anniversary
of the creation of the People’s Republic, focuses not on the data on GDP but on
the most important factor or all – the impact of the 70 years of the Peoples
Republic of China on the life of the Chinese people.
* * *
‘The Chinese people have stood up,’ the title of this famous
speech by Mao Zedong in 1949 embodied a promise made by the Communist Party of
China to the people of China. This promise was that if China adopted the
socialist programme and methods of the CPC the Chinese people would be
progressively lifted from more than a century of poverty, foreign invasion,
foreign oppression, and humiliation by foreign powers to regain a position in
which no country or people in the world was superior to China.
Measuring China’s social progress
There are numerous ways to measure whether the promise by
the CPC was kept. A number specifically relate to China’s specific national
identity and its situation in 1949. For example, in a total transformation of
China’s position from the preceding century, no country any longer dares
militarily attack China – due to the strength of the People’s Liberation Army
(PLA) and the economic and technological power that now sustains it. China has
now also completely regained its territorial integrity – all former foreign
concession territories in China have been abolished, Hong Kong and Macao have
reunified with China, only US controlled Taiwan province still remains to be
regained practical control of and that is only a matter of time. Numerous
foreign countries now seek friendly and equal relations with China. That the
socialist path of the CPC has delivered its 1949 promise on the field of
China’s national integrity is beyond doubt.
But it is also legitimate to make international comparisons
by more universal and less specifically national criteria – those regarding the
development of the overall social position of the Chinese people compared to
other countries. Fortunately, since 1949 the situation of humanity as a whole
has advanced – the old colonial empires have been destroyed, living standards
have improved, life expectancy has increased. How has China developed in
comparative terms? Has China improved its social conditions more rapidly than
other countries – justifying the CPC’s promise that its programme and methods,
based on Marx-Lenin-Mao Zedong, were the best to achieve China’s rejuvenation –
or do the facts show that other countries have achieved superior social
progress in the 70 years since the creation of the PRC?
Why life expectancy is the most sensitive measure of social progress
Among the different potential criteria that could be used to
measure China’s relative social progress compared to other countries one is in
reality decisive. The declared aim of the CPC is to ‘Serve the People’. In
policy terms its framework is ‘people centre development’ – which is
necessarily integrated with China’s national rejuvenation because China’s
people are overwhelmingly its greatest power and resource. How much, therefore,
in overall terms has the overall condition of the ordinary people of China
improved since 1949? Has the CPC delivered on its promise that its methods
would deliver improvement in the conditions of the ordinary people of China in
a way superior to any other?
One single criterion is in reality sufficient to
dramatically demonstrate the superiority of the socialist path China embarked
on 1949 compared to alternatives. This is the increase in the life expectancy
of the Chinese people compared to other countries. This fact also entirely
adequately demonstrates that the slogan of the CPC, ‘Serve the People’, is not
empty words but is the precise result of the party’s activity.
The reason the criterion of life expectancy is decisive and
chosen for analysis is not simply, or even primarily, that increase in life
expectancy is a universal wish of human beings – although it certainly is! It
is because it is well known to economists that life expectancy is the most
comprehensive and sensitive measure for judging the overall impact of changes
in social and environmental conditions. This is due to the fact that average
life expectancy summarises in one single figure the effect of all positive
social developments (high quality consumption, good health care, improvements
in education, environmental protection etc.)
and subtracts the negative ones (poverty, poor health care, lack of
education, environmental degradation etc. Life expectancy is therefore a more
adequate measure of social well-being than purely per capita GDP – significant
as the latter is, and despite per capita GDP being the single biggest
determinant of life expectancy. As Nobel Prize winner Amartya Sen summarized
regarding the relation between these variables:
‘Personal income is unquestionably a basic determinant of
survival and death, and more generally of the quality of life of a person.
Nevertheless, income is only one variable among many that affect our chances of
enjoying life… The gross national product per head may be a good indicator of
the average real income of the nation, but the actual incomes enjoyed by the
people will also depend on the distributional pattern of that national income.
Also, the quality of life of a person depends not only on his or her personal
income, but also on various physical and social conditions… The nature of health
care and the nature of medical insurance – public as well a private – are among
the most important influences on life and death. So are the other social
services, including basic education and the orderliness of urban living and the
access to modern medical knowledge. There are, thus, many factors not included
in the accounting of personal incomes that can be importantly involved in the
life and death of people.’
By studying the development of life expectancy during the 70
years of the People’s Republic of China therefore in fact what is being studied
is the overall development of the Chinese people’s standard of life compared to
trends in other countries.
The conclusion of such comparative study of international
facts is simple and clear. The CPC has delivered on its promise that its
methods and programme would create results superior to any other – in
particular China’s socialist path of development has achieved results which are
superior to any capitalist alternative. These are not empty boasts, or purely
nationalist rhetoric, but are simply the objective results of the study of
global development since 1949.
Resolving historical debates on China’s development
Carefully establishing the facts on this question also casts
a clear light on key issues in China’s own history, on international discussion
regarding China’s success, on understanding of China’s perception of itself,
and in grasping the role of the CPC and the socialist path of development that
flows from it.
It is extremely important internationally to establish this
fact regarding the unparalleled increase in China’s life expectancy compared to
other countries and the conclusions that flow from it. While, as will be seen,
the scale of China’s economic and social development in the 70 years since the
establishment of the PRC is unequalled this is frequently not shown in China’s
research in presentation of its own
achievements – particularly as presented internationally. Too often systematic
comparison of China’s achievements compared to other countries is not carried
out, which allows excessive international circulation of slanders against China
and also even allows the spreading of false analyses within China.
To attempt to contribute to a more widespread understanding
of the truly enormous scale of China’s social achievement this article
therefore carries out a systematic study of the development of life expectancy
in China compared to other countries since the establishment of the PRC. This
establishes clearly that the increase in life expectancy since 1949 shows that
China’s is by far the greatest social miracle in any country in the last 70
years, and probably the greatest social miracle in the entire history of
humanity. It will be shown that such a conclusion is not overheated nationalist
rhetoric, but simply follows from an objective and impartial study of the
China’s extraordinary achievement in life expectancy
Turning to the overall comparative results of China’s
increase in life expectancy compared to other countries these are summarised in
Ideally a comparison would be made of life expectancy for all countries
starting in 1949, but systematic World Bank data is not available before 1960 –
a specific study of China for the period 1949-1960 is given below. However,
from 1960 to 2017, the latest available data, systematic World Bank data
covering 189 countries exists, accounting for 99.3% of the world’s population.
That is, from 1960 entirely comprehensive international comparisons can be made
– systematic international comparative data therefore exists for 57 out of the
68 years of the existence of the PRC. Furthermore, as will be demonstrated,
there is no indication of countervailing data for the period 1949-1960. There
is, therefore, no doubt as to China’s performance compared to other countries.
The comparative international results are overwhelming and
In 1960-2017 China’s average life expectancy increased by 32.7 years – from 43.7 years to 76.4 years.
By 2017 China’s 1,386 million people had enjoyed a higher increase in life expectancy than 6,027 million people, living in countries with a lesser increase in life expectancy than China, and only 46 million people living in countries with a greater increase in life expectancy than China.
China’s increase in life expectancy was therefore higher than that of 99.2% of the population of the world’s countries excluding China.
Only 0.8% of the world’s population, excluding China, lived in countries with a longer increase in life expectancy than China – this was purely in six small countries, Bhutan, the Maldives, Tunisia, Timor-Leste, Nepal, Oman.
To show clearly how overwhelming is China’s increase in life
expectancy compared to other countries, Figure
shows graphically the percentage of the world’s population living in countries
with higher and lower increase in life expectancy than China in 1960-2017-
including China in the calculation.
shows the percentage of the world’s population living in countries with higher
and lower increase in life expectancy than China in 1960-2017 excluding China.
The social impact of China’s increase in life expectancy
This fact that China’s increase in life expectancy exceeded
that of almost all other countries, and far exceed that of all other major
countries, is itself a decisive vindication of the superiority of China’s
socialist path of development. There are today literally hundreds of millions
of people in China alive because of China’s far superior performance in
increasing life expectancy. But in addition to this direct effect on China
itself this overwhelming comparison is also is decisive in deciding other issues.
The claim made in rabid anti-China Western media that the
people of China live in ‘misery’ is entirely laughable – the life expectancy
data shows the Chinese people have experienced a greater improvement in their
overall social conditions than countries representing over 99% of the world’s
The claim that China has pursued economic development at the
expense of its people is evidently untrue. On the contrary, as seen, China’s
increase in life expectancy is superior to all except 0.8% of world’s
population excluding China.
It is well known that China’s achievement in world poverty
reduction is completely unequalled – as is confirmed by the latest World Bank
data shown in Table
Taking the World Banks’ extreme poverty criteria of expenditure of $1.90 a day,
measured in 2011 PPPs, China was responsible for 74% of the reduction in the
number of people in the world living below this level of poverty in 1981-2015
(the latter year being the latest available data). Taking the alternative,
slightly higher, World Bank criteria of poverty of expenditure of $3.20 a day,
measured in 2011 PPPs, China was responsible for 138% of the reduction in the
number of the people in the world living at this level of poverty – i.e. the number living below this level in
China fell by 889 million while in the rest of the world it increased by 245
million. But while data for poverty shows the improvement in life conditions
for the poorest in society, the data for life expectancy are, of course, an
average – with the dramatic increase showing that the improvement in China’s
social conditions applied to the overwhelming majority of China’s population.
Having established the overall framework of the development
of China’s life expectancy the light this throws on resolving some specific
issues of controversy will now be analysed in more detail
China in 1949
As a starting point for analysis it is crucial to understand
China’s position in 1949. After more than a century of foreign invasions China
was almost the world’s poorest country. Systematic international data does not
exist for 1949, which was the last year of China’s civil war, but it does for
1950 – the PRC’s first year of peace. This will therefore be taken as the
comparative starting point for analysis.
Of systematic international analyses that have been made,
Maddison, former head of statistics of the OECD and the world’s most renowned
analyst of long term growth, concludes that in 1950 only 10 countries in the
world had a lower per capita GDP than China – two in Asia (Myanmar and
Mongolia), eight in Africa (Botswana, Burundi, Ethiopia, Guinea, Guinea Bissau,
Lesotho, Malawi, Tanzania). The Conference Board, using a slightly different
method of analysis, concludes that only six countries in the world in 1950 had
a lower per capita GDP than China – two in Asia (Cambodia, Myanmar), four in
Africa (Burkina Faso, Ethiopia, Malawi and Mozambique). On Maddison’s data, in 1950 only 2.4% of the
world population lived in countries with a lower per capita GDP than China.
These detailed differences in conclusions are clearly entirely insignificant
compared to the overall finding. At its starting point the PRC was established
in a country which was almost the world’s poorest.
As would be expected, China’s extreme poverty in 1949 was
reflected in very low life expectancy. As already noted, comprehensive
comparative World Bank data on life expectancy is not available for 1950, it
begins in 1960. However, the most relevant comparison is to India, which with
China is the other largest developing country. This is because India is the
only country comparable in size to China in terms of population, because India
achieved independence from Britain in 1947 at almost the same time as the
creation of the PRC, and because India’s life expectancy at that time was close
to China’s. Studying not only the 1950-1960 period but also the pre-1978 reform
period in China’s history compared to India therefore casts a clear light on
In 1947, the year India achieved independence, its life
expectancy was 32. China’s life expectancy in 1949, the year of the creation of
the People’s Republic of China, was 35 – a gap of three years compared to
India. By 1978, the last year of pre-reform China, China’s life expectancy was
67 and India’s 55 – a gap of 12 years. This is shown in Figure
This sharply growing difference was not because India had a
bad record – as an increase of 22 years in life expectancy over a 31-year
period graphically shows. It is simply that China’s performance was sensational
– life expectancy increasing by 32 years in a 29-year chronological period.
This means that in pre-reform China life expectancy increased by more than a
year for every chronological year that passed – an annual average increase of
To understand the true scale of such an achievement in
comparative terms, it need simply be noted that China’s rate of increase of
life expectancy in the three decades after 1949 was the fastest ever recorded
in a major country in human history. For comparison:
The US in the thirty years
after 1880, a period of sharp increase due to recovery from the Civil War,
saw a 0.9% annual increase in life expectancy.
Life expectancy in the UK
after 1871, a period of rapid growth, was under 1.0% a year.
Japan, a country
considered to have an outstanding record in increasing life expectancy,
and enjoying a rapid increase due to recovery from World War II, raised
life expectancy by 1.3% a year in the 29 years after 1947.
China’s 2.3% increase in life expectancy in 1949-78,
therefore, far outperformed all these countries whose records, by normal
standards, are considered exceptional.
When did life expectancy increase?
The period in which this spectacular increase in life
expectancy was concentrated is highly interesting and casts a strong light on
debates concerning the continuity of the PRC’s development – and in particular shows clearly the falsity
of ‘historical nihilism’, the claim that trends in China only became favourable
after 1978. During the 1950s China made very creditable progress – life
expectancy increasing by an average of slightly over nine months in each
chronological year. India’s performance in this period was comparable – between
1947 and 1960 its life expectancy increased by slightly less than nine months
for each chronological year. India continued this progress in the period up to
1978, with life expectancy rising by slightly under nine months for each
chronological year. But after the 1950s China’s life expectancy began to rise
extremely rapidly. Between 1960 and 1970 China’s life expectancy increased by a
dramatic one year and nine months per chronological year. Over the entire
period 1960-78 China’s life expectancy grew by an average one year and three
months per chronological year.
This spectacular, indeed historically unprecedented, social achievement during 1949-78 does not overturn any analysis of economic developments in this period, nor of political judgements concerning the Great Leap Forward and Cultural Revolution. But it shows clearly that attempts to present the pre-1978 period in an overall negative social light, as ‘historical nihilism’, and as represented in the West by a series of books attempting to present pre- reform China as socially disastrous, is, to put it straightforwardly, a blatant falsification. In the 27 years between the establishment of the People’s Republic of China in 1949, and the death of Mao Zedong in 1976, life expectancy in China increased by 31 years – or over a year per chronological year. In comparison, in the 27 years after India’s independence average life expectancy increased by 19 years. Far from being negative, China’s record in this period was one of history’s most extraordinary social achievements.
Instead of engaging
in factual falsification and myth making, foreigners can more accurately understand the support for
Mao Zedong in China, even leaving aside other issues, such as the achievement
of real national independence, merely by the lived experience of this fact. If
someone leads you to live an extra 31 years it is unsurprising you hold them in
Historical accuracy certainly means clearly noting that
China’s economic growth was superior after 1978, but this should not lead to
underestimation of the astonishing social achievements of the preceding
pre-reform period. Xi Jinping put it precisely on these two periods of China’s
post-1949 development, that is from 1949-1978 and 1978 to the present:
The two phases – at once related to and distinct from each
other – are both pragmatic explorations in building socialism. … Although the
two historical phases are very different in their guiding thoughts, principles,
policies, and practical work, they are by no means separated from or opposed to
each other. We should neither negate the pre- reform-and-opening-up phase in
comparison with the post-reform-and -opening-up phase, nor the converse.
Systematic international comparison
While India is the most relevant single comparison for China
there could be an accusation that it is selectively chosen. From 1960 onwards
however, as already noted, such an accusation cannot be made as systematic
World Bank data exits and leaves no doubt as to China’s performance. It is therefore useful to expand further on
the overall results after 1960 noted above.
Due to China’s very low starting point in life expectancy in
1949, by 1960, despite the progress made in the 1950s, it was still the case
that 55% of the world’s population lived in countries with a higher life expectancy
than China and only 23% in countries with a lower life expectancy than China.
The astonishing transformation is that by 2017, due to the very rapid increase
in China’s life expectancy, only 19% of the world’s population lived in
countries with a higher left expectancy than China and 62% of the world’s
population lived in countries with a lower life expectancy than China. This is
shown in Figure
To understand the significance of this still more clearly,
it may be noted that in 2018 only 15.6% of the world’s population lived in
countries which were high income, that is advanced, economies by World Bank
classification. Therefore, less than 4% of the world’s population lived in
developing countries with a longer life expectancy than China – out of 84% of
the world’s population which lives in developing countries. In short, from
being one of the world’s poorest countries in 1949, with a low life expectancy,
in 1949 China has already achieved a longer life expectancy than almost all
every other developing economy.
The increase in human well-being and real human rights which
is reflected in those simple figures is truly staggering – precisely because
average life expectancy is the best overall indicator of overall social and
living conditions. It means the Chinese people, almost one fifth of humanity,
has enjoyed by far the greatest improvement in social conditions, reflected in
their average life expectancy, of any major country in the world. Literally
over a billion people have enjoyed a greater improvement in their standards of
life than that by any other means. It precisely means that Marxism in China has
delivered its promise, made in 1949, that its programme and methods would
achieve the national rejuvenation of China in a way superior to any
alternative. The facts show that what was a promise in 1949 was delivered as a
reality in the 70 years that followed.
In conclusion, the fact that after 1949 China’s increase in
life expectancy outperformed any other major country is of course of the
greatest significance to China’s people – it shows the unparalleled increase in
living and social conditions that has occurred due to China’s socialist path.
But it also decisively settles a number of other issues.
Those in who apologize for capitalism are simply wrong – it is clear China’s socialist path has achieved a greater improvement in overall living conditions, reflected in the increase in life expectancy, than any capitalist path of development over the last 70 years.
Attempts to essentially counterpose the two periods of development of the PRC, between 1949-78 and 1978-2019, are wrong. The fundamental task in both periods was to ‘serve the people’, to achieve ‘people centred development’ – which was successful achieved as shown in the sharp increase in life expectancy in both periods.
The theory of ‘historical nihilism’, the claim that China’s development prior to 1978 was negative is the purest nonsense. Economic growth was faster after 1978 but the increase in life expectancy, reflecting the overall improvement in social conditions, in 1949-78 was unparalleled in human history. Therefore, the attacks made on Mao Zedong in the West simply mean that those making them cannot accurately understand China or understand its dynamic. The period of Mao Zedong saw an increase in life expectancy which was unparalleled in human history – which in no way contradicts negative judgements on the Great Leap Forward or the Cultural Revolution. What is involved is the overall course of China during the Mao period, which the data on life expectancy proves saw an unprecedented step forward in the overall social conditions of the China people. By denying the facts of this reality the West, among other things, renders itself incapable of understanding China and its dynamics.
The facts on the development of life expectancy in China since the founding of the PRC confirm in a single decisive and verifiable figure that the CPC delivered on its promise that its socialist methods and programme would be superior for the rejuvenation of China to any other method. They show that the improvement in the conditions of the Chinese people since 1949 is the greatest ever achieved in a major country in a 70-year period in the whole of human history.
These are the
fundamental facts of the truly staggering scale of China’s ‘social miracle’
during the last 70 years.
Japan remains an important economy, the third largest in the
world behind China and the US. If the EU Single Market is considered as a
single economy it is the fourth largest in the world, although considerably
smaller than each of these.
But it is a much less important economy than it used to
be. A period of extraordinary growth in
real GDP in the post-War period gave way to recession and then virtually
complete stagnation from 1990 onwards. From 1950 to 1990 the Japanese economy
increased by over 13 times, much faster than the world economy (Angus Maddison
data). But in the 28 years since the Japanese economy has expanded by less than
a third (OECD data).
In 1990 Japan accounted for 8.6% of world GDP (Maddison). By
2018 this had fallen to 4% of world GDP (World Bank). This period of economic stagnation
was first known as ‘Japan’s lost decade’. But it has dragged on to become the
This period bears closer scrutiny, being the most recent
period when an advanced industrialised country stagnated over such a prolonged
period, not least because the G7 economies as a whole have been effectively
stagnating since the crash of 2008.
This Thatcherite morality tale is very widely repeated. But
it is completely untrue.
What is true is that the Japanese governments frequently
announced large new public works spending, often
with great fanfare. But it is not true that they increased public sector
Chart 1. below shows both Japanese total Gross Fixed Capital
Formation (GFCF) as a percentage of GDP, as well as the private sector’s GFCF
as a percentage of GDP. There is a clear
downtrend trend in total Investment, or GFCF.
The decline in the contribution of Investment to GDP is
exactly as would be expected in a period of outright stagnation, given the
decisive contribution of Investment to GDP growth. In 1990 (not shown in the chart) total
Japanese GFCF amounted to just over 34% of GDP.
This was not massively below the post-World War II peak of 38.7% in
1973. But by 2010 total GFCF had fallen
to just 21.3% of GDP. From accounting for just over a third of Japanese GDP,
GFCF slipped to little more one-fifth of GDP and has not recovered fully since
To be clear, this is quite separate from the Consumption of
the Japanese public sector which did rise sharply in response to the crisis.
This is shown in Chart 2. Below. Government Consumption rose throughout most of
the crisis period, at least until 2010. But increased Consumption cannot
sustainably lift production because it provides no new means of production.
That requires Investment to create new productive capacity. Put another way,
attempting to use Consumption to drive GDP higher over a sustained period will
end in failure on both counts.
Chart 2. Japanese Government Consumption, % GDP
Returning to Chart 1 once more, it should be noted that the
decline in Investment was not driven solely by the private sector. In 1994 (the
earliest available date for the disaggregated private sector data), private
sector GFCF accounted for 20.4% of GDP.
By 2015 (latest available data) this had slipped to 18.3% of GDP.
This is highlighted in Chart 3. below. This shows the calculated level of general
government GFCF as a percentage of GDP, arrived at by subtracting private
sector GDP from the total GFCF.
Chart 3. Japan
General Government GFCF as % of GDP
Over the period general government GFCF as a percentage of
GDP fell from 9.1% in both 1994 and 1996 to a low-point of 4.8% of GDP in 2007
and 2008. It has only recovered to 5.5% in 2015. Therefore the total loss in
terms of public sector Investment has been 3.6% of GDP, while the total cumulative
loss in private sector Investment has been 2% of GDP over the same period.
Far from Japanese government assertions, echoed by a wide
array of analysts and pundits, that public Investment was increased but it
proved useless in reviving the economy, the opposite is the case. The Japanese
public sector slashed its own Investment, almost cutting it in half. The cut in public sector Investment was
mainly responsible for the decline in total Investment.
This cut in public Investment was much greater than the
simultaneous cut in private sector Investment – despite being a much smaller
initial value. Throughout the process,
it was the fall in public sector Investment which also led the way, and private
sector Investment did not reach its own low-point until three years after the
public sector (spurred on by the fall in the level of profits in 1992, which
have never properly recovered).
A public investment
As noted above, the change in Japanese public Investment was
a fall of 4.3% of GDP from its 1994 (and 1996) level to its low-point in 2007.
Even the most strongly growing economies would struggle if any factor was
reduced by 4% of GDP. But the decisive
role of Investment in accounting for GDP growth means that slump and stagnation
was effectively unavoidable.
What caused the Japanese public sector to choke off
Investment, slow the economy to stagnation and lead the Japanese private sector
into cutting its own Investment? According to US Treasury data (pdf) Asian
holdings of US Treasuries (government bonds) rose from $84 billion in 1984 to
$283 billion in 1989 and upwards to $418 billion in 1994. As the US Treasury notes, these are
overwhelmingly held by Japan.
Low levels of Asian (mainly Japanese) US Treasuries’
holdings in 1984 ballooned fivefold in just 10 years. In relation to Japanese GDP, total Asian
holdings were less than 1% in 1984 and approximately 10% in 1994, even taking
into account the surge in the value of the Yen over the same period.
That surge in the Yen did not occur simply as a result of
market mechanisms. In 1985 the Reagan Administration, struggling with the
accumulated debt of the Viet Nam war and recession of the early 1980s, insisted
that other countries, Japan, West Germany, France and Britain sell US Dollars
to engineer a depreciation which would make US industry more competitive. The
US allies were also obliged to cut their own Investment and increase
Consumption, partly to boost US exports. This agreement was formalised in the Plaza
Accord of 1985. It also allowed the US to maintain very large budget
deficits as it pursued the Cold War arms race to destruction.
The effect on Japan and Japanese industry was profound and
dramatic. In February 1985 there were 260 Japanese Yen to the US Dollar but by 1987
the exchange rate had fallen to 121. This was excruciating for Japanese
industry, which now struggled to compete internationally because of this
more-than-doubling in the exchange rate value of the Yen.
The Japanese government in particular was obliged to sharply
increase its purchases of US Treasuries, under threat of hollowing out Japanese
industry via the exchange rate. This demand was later reinforced under the
separate Louvre Accord. The author of the policy was the US administration
The widely-repeated claim that Japanese public Investment failed to rescue the Japanese economy is no more true for repetition. The opposite is the case. The cut to public Investment was decisive in causing the slump, being both earlier and deeper than the cut in private Investment. Instead, the Japanese government followed US demands to ‘stimulate demand’, that is increase Consumption in its own economy.
Both of these policies, the cut in Japan’s public Investment
and the increase in public Consumption were the effects of the US measures to
support its own economy, fund its budget deficit and hugely increase its
military spending. But it has hobbled
the Japanese economy for almost three decades now.
Currently, but for different reasons the US is once more
looking to overseas sources of capital to maintain current US living standards
and increase spending. How it is
attempting to engineer that inflow this time around will be examined in a
There are widespread claims that the government is ending austerity. The reality is that it is engaged in a pre-election spending spree, just as Osborne and Cameron did in 2014. Subsequently, it should be clear that the small-state right-wing ideologues in Johnson’s Cabinet intend to use a No Deal Brexit as a platform for another huge assault on living standards, workers’ rights and the public sector. They also have no intention of tackling the climate crisis. It is only the Labour Party of Jeremy Corbyn which has a plan to end austerity, with clear commitments to increase public investment, restore public services and tackle climate change.
What are the Tories promising?
The government and their faithful supporters in the press
are touting the real terms increase in both current spending and in public
investment. Current spending is set to rise by 2.0% in real terms and public
investment set to rise 5.6% on the same basis.
But the first point to note is that this is a promise almost
certainly for the next parliament as an election now seems inevitable. If the Tories win the new government will not
be bound by the promise of the last one.
It is also a one-year promise, to get through an election. The
widespread consensus is the government departments and all their agencies
require a minimum of three years funding so that they can plan ahead.
Claims that this is the biggest spending spree for decades are
false. This plan is similar to the Osborne/Cameron one in 2014/15. Under them public sector gross investment was
increased 8.7% in real terms in 2014/15 compared to the previous financial
year, in time for the 2015 general election. The rise in public sector current
spending was far more modest, perhaps because Osborne understood the importance
of investment to spur growth. But if we
take the whole of increased government outlays together, both consumption and
investment in Total Managed Expenditure, the current plan is to raise TME by 2.4%
in real terms, while Osborne/Cameron increased TME by 2.3% on the same basis.
The cynicism of the Tories was such that these totals were
actually cut in real terms once they had won the 2015 election. There is no
reason to suppose that the current Tory Cabinet, which occupies a political
position even further to the right, will be any different.
But the Tory perspective is not determined by the outlook of
its key members. It is the objective conditions that will determine their
choices. The British economy remains in a crisis. The austerity project has
failed it its own terms – which is the transfer of incomes from workers and the
poor to business and the rich in order to revive a business-led expansion of
The transfer of income has been real, and real wages have
fallen and the social surplus has been redirected from social security to tax
cuts. But the profit share has not risen. In 2008 the Gross Operating Surplus
of firms was 39.3% of GDP. In 2018 it had fallen to 37.9% of GDP. Profitability
has not revived.
As a result, investment has not revived either. In 2008 it was plummeting and accounted for
just 17.2% of GDP. In 2018 it was 16.9%.
For a sustainable business-led expansion, a decisive defeat
of the working class and its allies is required. That has not been achieved.
Now, the extremists in the Tory Cabinet, orchestrated by the Trump administration,
believe that crashing out with a No Deal Brexit is the opportunity they need to
impose that decisive defeat.
This will entail not just a fall in living standards, and
loss of well-paid jobs in advanced manufacturing sectors such as cars and
pharmaceuticals. But, as British-based businesses will be obliged to compete
more directly with US rivals, they will in turn demand far lower union rights,
health and safety standards, lower pensions and other entitlements. There will
be an Americanisation of the British working conditions.
The scope of the Corbyn-McDonnell project makes the Tories’
pre-election bribe look like the chicken feed it is. Using the same TME
measure, which combines both government current spending and public investment,
the Labour plan increases it by 3.4% of GDP. Crucially, this is not a one-off,
but a sustained increase over each and every year of the next 5-year
This is about 7 times what Johnson’s Cabinet promises. And
it does not include the additional effects of the National Investment Bank on
raising investment, nor does it include the probability of some businesses
being obliged to increase their own investment, to provide the inputs
for the increased investment from the public sector.
The Corbyn-McDonnell plan is a sustained effort to raise the
growth rate of the economy, contribute to the global effort to tackling climate
change and genuinely ending austerity.
What the Tories plan is not an end of austerity. Instead
they plan a whole new attack on workers and the poor.
I have witnessed three coups and attempted coups – two in
Russia and one in Britain. One was ended politically, one with tanks, the
present coup attempt is still not settled. There are decisive lessons on how to
deal with them which precisely apply to the present attempted coup by Johnson.
These three coups were in March 1993 in Russia – ended by
political means, October 1993 in Russia – ended by tanks. August 2019 in
Britain – which will be ended by political means. But each had the same key lessons.
To summarise the events in these three coups each of which I
witnessed first hand.
In March 1993 Yeltsin attempted to overthrow the
Russian constitution, in order to concentrate power in his hands and continue
the implementation of economic shock therapy. He was successfully defeated in
this by the Russian Congress of People’s Deputies and ministers in the
government. However, having defeated the coup, the Congress of People’s
Deputies then made the disastrous mistake of compromising with Yeltsin to hold
a referendum, in which Yeltsin used his control of the courts and electoral
fraud to determine the outcome of. This gave to Yeltsin the political
initiative to prepare the coup of October 1993.
In the October 1993 coup Yeltsin
unconstitutionally declared the dissolution of the Congress of People’s
Deputies – the highest authority of the Russian state. This was opposed by
massive street mobilisations of Moscow’s population. Yeltsin then ordered the
Parliament to be surrounded by armed police which were under his control. The
armed police were prevented from taking control of the Parliament by armed
resistance by numerous people inside the Parliament building, some with sub-machine
guns and similar weapons. The police action was simultaneously opposed by even
larger mobilisations of Moscow’s population until the police blockade of the
Parliament was broken after several days – the armed police had been
demoralised by the steadfast opposition of the Moscow population. But then,
instead of consolidating this victory, the leadership of the Parliament made
the disastrous decision to launch an attempt to take control of the main
television station. Pro-government armed forces stationed there, who had not
been subject to popular pressure, obeyed orders to open fire on the crowd
carrying out a massacre. Following that the Parliament was attacked by heavy
weapons, notably tanks, which the defenders of the Parliament were not able to
resist. Yeltsin therefore was successful in this coup d’etat.
In August 2019 Johnson attempted to force
through a No Deal Brexit through suspending Parliament. The outcome of this
struggle remains to be determined.
Each of these coups, however, has the same key lessons which
totally apply to Johnson’s attempted coup.
In a coup the issue of state power is what is ultimately decisive – not
The first key lesson is that in confronting a coup it is the
issue of state power which is decisive – everything else has to focus on this or
it is ineffectual. Everyone who opposes the coup is on the right side and an
ally, but there is confusion. As an example on this at present, for example in
Britain faced with Johnson’s coup various MPs have proposed so called ‘alternative
Parliaments’, MPs occupying
Parliament if it is suspended etc. These are beside the point and are in
reality to accept Johnson’s coup. MPs have to do something much
more powerfu and important than this – simply vote legislation that there
will be no prorogation of Parliament, and then, in the present situation, there
will be no prorogation and Johnson’s coup will be blocked for the reasons
clearly outlined below.
Similarly, writers such as Owen Jones and Paul Mason have
called for ‘protests’. Momentum has said it will block streets and bridges. Mason
has even made a supposed arithmetic
calculation on the percentage of the population that has to be involved in
protests for them to stop the government: ‘What we need now is a mass peaceful
movement of civil disobedience. Protest theory tells us that if around 4
percent of the population simply refuses to comply with the powers that be, we
But Mason’s look at the possible steps does not even mention
Parliament legally blocking its prorogation: ‘The parliamentary options are now
limited. Phase one is for MPs to take control of the parliamentary agenda… Phase
two – being prepared right now – is to publish legislation stopping No Deal.
Phase three is preventing Johnson and his allies from filibustering or
sabotaging that legislation.’ Mason declares: ‘Parliamentary options to protect
democracy are limited, but we can use mass civil disobedience to create a
situation politically unbearable for the Tories.’
The truth is the exact opposite. Protests will not stop
Johnson’s coup, only action by the state will – which in the present situation
(not all situations) means laws passed by Parliament.
Protests must demand changing the law
The largest possible popular protests are indeed very necessary.
They will influence the political dynamics. But in defeating a coup protests
cannot be sufficient to decide it. Bluntly, demonstrations so far in Britain
are very small compared to the enormous ones in Moscow to confront Yeltsin’s coup of October 1993. But protest
demonstrations will not stop a coup – only something which affects the state
In Moscow there were there truly gigantic demonstrations
against Yeltsin’s October 1993 coup, there were hundreds of armed people many
of whom were willing to die, and a significant number of whom did die, to
defend the Russian Parliament. But they were simply overwhelmed by the greater
power of the state – in this case by tanks.
In Britain neither people with machine guns nor tanks will
be involved in the fight to block Johnson’s coup. But the state, whether using
the police, the riot police, or even the armed forces if necessary [which won’t
be in the present situation] can overwhelm by force any protests which
challenge its power. The strongest possible protests are necessary to put
pressure on the state power, and to determine the political situation, but they
cannot defeat the state power – which in the present situation will be
expressed in the law.
These decisive points are not meant in any sectarian sense.
To use the Chinese formula, because it is the most precise, it is necessary to
carefully distinguish between contradictions among the people and
contradictions between the people and the enemy. The ‘enemy’ in the present
situation are all those who support Johnson’s coup, the ‘people’ are all those
who oppose it. MPs proposing occupying parliament/alternative parliaments etc
are unequivocally against Johnson’s coup, part of the ‘people’. It is necessary
to stand with them shoulder to shoulder in fighting this coup. But because they
do not understand the issue of state power, which is what is decisive in a
coup, they have tactics for fighting against it which are not sufficiently
effective. Therefore, it is necessary to show the conditions which can stop the
coup – which in the present circumstances can only be legal action by
Parliament. Protests are absolutely necessary and important, but they must aim
at securing that legal change.
Why preventing proroguing Parliament is vital
Blocking Johnson’s No Deal Brexit is certainly vital but it
is also absolutely crucial to prevent the proroguing of Parliament – which is
entirely possible legally. Johnson cannot be trusted on anything. Under the
British constitution Parliament is the supreme authority – but if Parliament is
not in session the highest authority will be the government and the Prime
Minister. For example, once Parliament is prorogued there is nothing legally
which prevents Johnson advising the Queen to extend the prorogation beyond 31
October, the date for Brexit. No assurance by Johnson/Cummings this will not be
done can be relied upon one inch – they have already shown they are prepared to
disregard any of their previous statements.
Three government ministers – Johnson in his interview with
Times, Gove and Gavin Williamson – have already taken the unprecedented
step of saying that the government will not necessarily obey a law passed by
Parliament (which could include advising the Queen not to sign a law) – an
unprecedented violation of Britain’s constitution. Any such step by the
government would normally be countered by a vote of No Confidence and removing
the Prime Minister with a replacement who would carry out the law including
advising the Queen not to refuse to sign Acts of Parliament or prorogue
Parliament. But if Parliament is not sitting, if it has been prorogued, this
cannot be done. There would, therefore, be no way to overturn the advice given
to the Queen.
If legislation is passed Johnson will set about
‘discovering’ ‘loopholes’ in it.
There are also numerous other steps which Johnson/Cummings
could doubtless dream up.
In short to allow Parliament to be prorogued would create an
ultra-dangerous situation removing control of the situation.
Therefore, while measures to prevent a No Deal Brexit must
certainly be passed by the House of Commons over this coming week it is also
absolutely essential to pass a law blocking the proroguing of Parliament. It is
imperative that, in addition to any measures on No Deal, Parliament remains
sitting – that is it is not prorogued. This can be done by Parliament passing
short legislation preventing it being prorogued in the present situation.
Defeating a coup
Defeating a coup means starting off by understanding that the
outcome of this will be determined by state power, and determining this means a
precise analysis of the relation of forces.
The first key step was been taken by Jeremy Corbyn and the
joint statement by opposition parties when the said they did not accept the
prorogation of Parliament. For reasons outlined below there has to be a laser
like focus on maintaining this.
August Jeremy Corbyn stated:
‘Suspending Parliament is not acceptable, its not on. What the Prime
Minister is doing is a sort of smash and grab on our democracy in order to
force through a No Deal Brexit… So when Parliament does meet, on his timetable
very briefly next week, the first thing we’ll do is to attempt legislation to prevent
him doing what he’s doing and second we’ll challenge him with a motion of
confidence at some point.’
On 29 August
Jeremy Corbyn repeated: ‘We’re back in Parliament on Tuesday to challenge Boris Johnson on what I think is
a smash and grab raid against our democracy where he’s trying to suspend
Parliament in order to prevent a serious discussion and a serious debate the
prevent a No Deal Brexit.
‘What we’re going to do is try to politically stop him on
Tuesday with a Parliament process in order to legislate to prevent a No Deal
Brexit and also to prevent him shutting down Parliament during this utterly crucial period.’
Later on 29 August there was the joint
statement by the Labour Party, SNP, Lib Dems, Plaid Cymru, For Change Now,
and the Green Party.
‘We condemn the undemocratic actions of Boris Johnson
following his suspension of Parliament until 14 October….
‘In our view there is a majority in the House of Commons
that does not support this prorogation, and we demand that the Prime Minister
reverses this decision immediately or allows MPs to vote on whether there
should be one.’
This statement had only one ambiguity which should be
removed. It is not necessary for Johnson to ‘allow’ MPs to vote on prorogation.
Parliament is supreme. It can decide, but this is just an ambiguity in the
statement not a wrong position.
Reliance cannot be placed on the courts. In Russia in March
1993 one of the disastrous mistakes made by Congress of People’s Deputies was
to attempt to compromise with Yeltsin by stating that a referendum supporting
him had to receive support of 50% of the electorate and not just 50% of those
voting. Yeltsin used his control of the courts to overrule this.
Parliament, the law and the monarchy
In Britain at present, as Chris Daw QC reminds us: ‘The
first thing they teach in law school – The Queen-in-Parliament is sovereign.
Not the Government, not the Prime Minister.’
That means it is the action by Parliament which is decisive because it
determines the law. Protests are extremely important but will only prevail if
they help influence the decisions of Parliament.
As for the Queen, naturally socialists have no illusions in
the monarchy. If what was threatened was the end of capitalism she might well
act illegally and outside Parliament. But Brexit, either way, will not end
capitalism and in these circumstances she will act in a way to strategically
preserve the monarchy. And that means not going outside the law set by
Parliament because to do so would for the first time endanger the monarchy.
The decisive issue is therefore that Parliament pass
legislation preventing itself being prorogued. That legislation is the key
issue, not challenges in court. If Parliament has not passed legislation to
stop itself being prorogued the Queen will act on the Prime Minister’s advice
as she has done so far. But if Parliament passes legislation she will act in accord
with that law in order to preserve the monarchy from strategic threat. And if a
Prime Minister advises her not to sign an Act of Parliament that Prime Minister
can be removed, and the advise reversed, by Parliament – but only if Parliament
Johnson cannot be trusted – therefore Parliament must remain in session
Jeremy Corbyn’s statements on 28 and 29 August, and the joint statement by opposition parties on 29 August, were spot on regarding the impact of a coup. But a broader picture is that a number of people cannot rapidly adjust to standing up to power and they accept the framework of the coup while ‘protesting’ about it. This is inevitable because as Marx says the ruling ideas of society are the ideas of the ruling class. It takes a serious struggle for people to break with obeying authority. Therefore, the first reaction of many people to a coup is to accept its framework and only attempt to take measures within its framework.
This was seen in March 1993 and October 1993 in Russia when
Yeltsin, with the full weight of the US behind him, and with US advisers, acted
illegally, rapidly, and decisively.
In contrast was the fatal mistake made by the Russian
Congress of People’s Deputies in March 1993. By the time the Congress had
finished its first session the coup had been decisively defeated. The head of
the so called ‘power ministries’, that is the forces of repression, refused to carry
out Yeltsin’s unconstitutional action. The Congress of People’s Deputies, the
supreme constitutional authority of Russia, not only did not accept Yeltsin’s
unconstitutional steps but voted by 60% for the impeachment of Yeltsin – only
7% short of the necessary two thirds majority to remove him. Yeltsin coup attempt
was stopped dead in its tracks.
But instead of simply consolidating Yeltsin’s defeat,
standing up to Yeltsin having blocked his coup, the Congress instead set about
seeking a compromise with Yeltsin – agreeing to a referendum but attempting to
set its own conditions. Naturally Yeltsin, in contrast, had no intention of
‘compromise’. As soon as the Congress of People’s Deputies was not in session
Yeltsin used his control of the courts to overturn the conditions set by the
Congress and then used his control of the electoral system to falsify the
The present situation in Britain shows a similar dynamic. Johnson
is acting in a centralised, illegal and decisive way. Talk of protests, alternative parliaments and
so on will not stop such actions. Passing of a law which decides that
Parliament cannot be prorogued in the present period is the decisive measure.
This is vital to pass alongside legislation blocking a No Deal Brexit.
The fate of Parliament lies in the hands of the House of Commons – as this House of Lords will not support Johnson on prorogation. If the House of Commons immediately passes legislation, as soon as it sits, that Parliament cannot be prorogued at present Johnson’s will be defeated. If the House of Commons does not pass such a law Johnson’s attack will roll on.
If Parliament is prorogued it will only be due to the wrong
judgement or cowardice of MPs. The fate of Parliament lies entirely in its own
hands not those of Johnson. That is the lesson of three coups.